Descendants of Italians in Brazil typically wait years for Italian citizenship. But on November 6, during a session of the Chamber of Deputies in Rome, the Italian government admitted that it granted citizenship to Eduardo, Carlos and Flávio Bolsonaro in 58 days.

Flávio Bolsonaro hugs Italy’s right wing extremist Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini (photo: social media)

Green party Parliamentarian Angelo Bonelli announced that he is requesting a criminal inquiry into how the citizenship was granted. He warned of an escape plan in which the Italian passport would serve as a shield against Brazilian prosecution.

“Unfortunately, it is confirmed that Flávio, Eduardo and Carlos received priority treatment from the embassy,” Bonelli said. He noted that other descendants of Italians can wait up to 10 years. For the three brothers, he said, it took only 58 days from the date they were called in to have their application reviewed. “It is absolutely unacceptable. These are people who use the Italian passport to flee from justice.”

Bonelli also said the faster processing of the three passports coincided with the 2022 election of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

The Italian government’s position

Matilde Siracusano, an undersecretary who represents Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s government to lawmakers, said the government followed the law. “As the government has already said in response to parliamentary questions, Italy recognized the citizenship of Eduardo, Flávio and Carlos Bolsonaro in accordance with the rules in force at the time and with the procedures set by law,” she said.

Siracusano said Eduardo Bolsonaro asked to join the waiting list at the Consular Office of the Italian Embassy in Brasília on Dec. 22, 2020. Carlos and Flávio Bolsonaro asked on Oct. 26, 2021. She said all three lived in Brasília when they applied and submitted the required documents.

On Oct. 20, 2021, about a year after joining the waiting list, Eduardo Bolsonaro contacted the Consular Office to ask about his case, Siracusano said. On Nov. 18, 2022, a year later, the brothers were able to file formal applications for recognition of citizenship iure sanguinis (by right of blood).

Siracusano said Carlos and Flávio Bolsonaro were called in at the same time as Eduardo, who had joined the list earlier. She called this an established practice: applications from descendants of the same Italian ancestor are processed together.

Citizenship was granted to the three brothers on Jan. 5, 2023, Siracusano said. She said their documents were complete and met the rules at the time. Following standard procedure, the embassy also requested their registration in the AIRE (Registry of Italians Residing Abroad) on the same occasion.

The passports were issued months later. Flávio Bolsonaro received his on Nov. 8, 2023. Eduardo Bolsonaro received his on April 3, 2024, and Carlos Bolsonaro on June 14, 2024.

Siracusano said the Italian Embassy in Brasília had no record of pending court cases against the brothers when it issued the passports. She added that recognition of citizenship by blood involves no discretion by the administration. The official in charge only checks whether the applicant meets the criteria set by law.

Under the legal framework in force when the applications were filed, she said, citizenship could be recognized for anyone with an unbroken line of descent from an Italian ancestor, with no generational limit.

Jair Bolsonaro will not get a passport

Siracusano said the rule changed later. A reform pushed by Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani, enacted in Decree Law 36 of March 28, 2025, introduced stricter criteria. Recognition of citizenship now requires a more direct and substantial link to Italy.

In practice, the new law will keep cases like that of former President Jair Bolsonaro from getting a passport as easily as his sons did.

Escape plan

Bonelli reacted to the government’s answer with indignation. Holding an Italian passport in his hand, he asked the rest of the chamber how it could accept the Bolsonaro family using the document as a weapon against the courts.

Bonelli recalled that Eduardo Bolsonaro recorded a video in which he challenged Justice Alexandre de Moraes. To show he would not be caught, Eduardo displayed an Italian passport. “He used the Italian passport to insult a judge,” Bonelli said.

Bonelli repeated Eduardo Bolsonaro’s words in Portuguese, including the profanity.

Background

The hearing took place after Bonelli submitted a written question asking the government to explain Flávio Bolsonaro’s case. He wanted to know whether the government is aware of the investigations in Brazil involving Flávio Bolsonaro. He also asked what steps it plans to take “to avoid the risk that Italian citizenship becomes, in practice, an instrument to escape justice at the international level.” Bonelli also asked whether the government will assess if there are grounds to revoke the passports held by Jair Bolsonaro’s sons.

Meloni acknowledged Lula’s victory in the October elections. But the governing coalition in Italy has included Matteo Salvini in recent years. Salvini is deputy prime minister and the leader of the country’s far right. He is an ally of Jair Bolsonaro. After the first round of the Brazilian elections, Salvini posted a photo of himself hugging Flávio Bolsonaro and congratulating him on his victory. Salvini called Flávio Bolsonaro “my friend” and described the result as “extraordinary.”

In his question to Meloni’s government, Bonelli noted that Flávio and Eduardo Bolsonaro, sons of then President Jair Bolsonaro, asked in 2020 to join the waiting list at the Consular Office of the Italian Embassy in Brasília. They sought recognition of citizenship iure sanguinis and presented proof of residence in Brasília.

On Nov. 8, 2022, nine days after their father’s electoral defeat, Flávio and Eduardo Bolsonaro went to the embassy to check on their applications.

On June 13, 2025, in response to parliamentary question No. 2-00631, the government confirmed that Flávio, Eduardo and Carlos Bolsonaro had completed the process and obtained Italian citizenship. Flávio and Eduardo got it in 2023, and Carlos in 2024.

Bonelli noted that the embassy in Brasília suspended the scheduling of citizenship appointments in August 2018 and kept only a waiting list of interested applicants. In November 2022, the appointments being processed were for requests made in 2018. “It is necessary to verify whether the Bolsonaros were called in the chronological order of the waiting list or received preferential treatment over other applicants,” Bonelli wrote.

Bonelli also wrote that Decree Law 36 of 2025 significantly restricted recognition of citizenship iure sanguinis. “As a result, many descendants of Italians will no longer be able to obtain it, while the sons of Bolsonaro, who was convicted in Brazil of attempting a coup, obtained it quite quickly,” he wrote.

The investigations

In the request to the government, Bonelli described Flávio Bolsonaro’s record. Flávio Bolsonaro was defeated in the Oct. 25, 2026, presidential election. Bonelli wrote that he is the target of two Federal Police investigations supervised by the Supreme Federal Court.

Moraes oversees the first investigation, which involves money laundering allegations tied to betting companies and payment platforms linked to lawyer Willer Tomaz. It includes possible access to accounts held by an offshore entity.

Justice André Mendonça oversees the second, which concerns the financing of the film “Dark Horse” by Daniel Vorcaro, former controlling shareholder of Banco Master. Vorcaro in currently in jail awaiting trial for currency evasion, criminal association, money laundering and corruption.

Bonelli also noted that Rio de Janeiro state prosecutors charged Flávio Bolsonaro with embezzlement, criminal association and money laundering. The case was halted after the Supreme Court annulled the evidence gathered, without ruling on the merits.

Bonelli also said that on June 16, 2026, the court’s First Panel unanimously convicted Eduardo Bolsonaro and sentenced him to four years and two months in prison. The charge was coercion in the course of a judicial proceeding, specifically for trying to interfere in the trial over the coup attempt. The conviction became final on Oct. 31, 2026. On Oct. 7, 2026, Moraes ordered Eduardo Bolsonaro’s arrest and the cancellation of all his Brazilian passports.

More broadly, Bonelli warned about the use of the Italian passport as a shield against justice. In the request, he cited former Rep. Carla Zambelli. After her conviction in Brazil, Zambelli said she felt “untouchable” because of her Italian passport. Bonelli said this illustrates the risk that Italian citizenship could be used to escape justice in one’s own country.

What Bonelli wants to know

Bonelli now wants all the information needed to establish when the three brothers asked to join the waiting list at the embassy in Brasília. He also wants the dates they were called in, the dates they submitted the required documents and the dates they obtained citizenship.

He also asks when the embassy resumed scheduling appointments after the August 2018 suspension. He wants to know how many applicants who joined the list earlier were still waiting for an appointment at that time. He asks whether the three brothers received priority service, or service outside the chronological order.

If they received preferential treatment, Bonelli wants to know the criteria and who at the embassy authorized it.

Bonelli also asks whether the government plans formal inspections of how the procedures were handled in the case of Bolsonaro’s sons, to guarantee equal treatment for all applicants. He wants the government to give Parliament the results of any such inspections.

This article first appeared in ICL Notícias, was translated with express authorization from the editor by Panamerican Dispatch, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.

Former Paraguayan President Santiago Peña was moved from house arrest to a military unit within the Armed Forces overnight on Friday, October 6. The relocation followed an incident in which protesters surrounded his residence in Asunción, demanding his incarceration in a formal prison facility, which led to clashes with the police.

Peña was removed from office hours earlier, after the Senate voted unanimously to impeach him. The impeachment stemmed from his alleged involvement in the collapse of Ueno Bank, an institution that blocked access to funds for approximately 40% of the Paraguayan population.

The case bears similarities to the financial scandal in Brazil involving Daniel Vorcaro’s Banco Master, which implicated former presidential candidate Flávio Bolsonaro, a significant portion of the Bolsonaro movement and the political right in Brazil.

U.S. President Donald Trump greets Santiago Peña, President of the Republic of Paraguay, as he hosts the “The Shield of the Americas Summit” at the Trump National Doral Golf Club on March 7, 2026 in Doral, Florida. (Photo by Roberto Schmidt/Getty Images)

According to the Argentine digital news outlet Infobae, the military organized Peña’s extraction from his home in the La Piedad neighborhood of Asunción, using three pickup trucks for the transfer. The operation took place shortly before midnight, after escalating tensions near his residence made it untenable for the former president to remain there.

Footage captured by the Paraguayan newspaper ABC Color shows individuals throwing eggs and shouting insults at the vehicle transporting Peña as the convoy departed. The same outlet reported that Paraguayan intelligence identified the infiltration of agitators within the crowd, individuals who had previously been participating in a protest in the city center and allegedly moved to the residence with the intent of inciting violence.

During the clashes between police and protesters, Commissioner Pedro Barbera, head of the 10th Police Precinct, sustained an injury to his eyebrow. Those present demanded that Peña be sent to the Tacumbú National Penitentiary rather than being held under house arrest.

People take part in a protest outside the home of impeached Paraguayan President Santiago Peña after he was placed under house arrest over a banking crisis in Asuncion on November 6, 2026 (Photo by DANIEL DUARTE / AFP via Getty Images)

Impeachment and House Arrest

Peña’s removal from office was finalized by the Paraguayan Senate in a unanimous vote on Friday, October 6. The former president had attempted to submit his resignation prior to the trial, but the request was rejected, and the proceedings continued until the impeachment was approved.

Minutes after the Congressional decision, prosecutors specializing in economic crimes and anti-corruption efforts requested his immediate arrest. The Public Prosecutor’s Office subsequently ordered that he be placed under house arrest, citing Peña’s alleged involvement in the collapse of Ueno Bank.

This measure was merely the first step in the criminal prosecution.

Peña was summoned to appear before the prosecutor’s office on Saturday morning, October 7, at 11:00 a.m. local time for his first formal hearing in the case.

During this hearing, he is to be questioned over alleged crimes including breach of trust, influence peddling, and embezzlement. The speed with which the Public Prosecutor’s Office acted following his impeachment reflects the scale of the scandal and the political and social pressure that had mounted in the preceding days.

The Ueno Bank Scandal

The crisis was triggered by the closure of Ueno Bank on Tuesday, October 3, three days before the president’s impeachment. The Central Bank of Paraguay initiated liquidation proceedings for the institution after discovering a deficit in its solvency ratios, linked to loans granted to companies affiliated with the bank’s own controlling group.

The bank belonged to the Vázquez Group, in which Peña held shares until March of last year. The institution held approximately US$ 850 million in public deposits, including funds from the Social Security Institute, and served about 3 million clients. That is equivalent to nearly 40% of the Paraguayan population.

The opposition did not spare the former president. Lawmakers accused him of conflicts of interest, regulatory manipulation, the misappropriation of social security funds, and institutional cover-ups by the Central Bank.

“Never before has anyone harmed 3 million people in the Republic of Paraguay in a single day, yet you managed to do just that,” said opposition lawmaker Rocío Vallejo during a session, shortly before filing a formal accusation against Peña.

A protester, interviewed by Reuters outside the former president’s residence, summed up the sentiment on the streets.

“Overnight, people have been left going hungry,” he said. “People who can no longer even afford a bus fare. Why? Because of Santiago Peña and the entire Vázquez group.”

Peña’s legal status at the military unit, the Presidential Escort Regiment, remains unclear on several key points. As of the time of publication, there has been no confirmation that the judiciary or the Public Prosecutor’s Office formally authorized this change in the place of detention. Nor have the conditions under which the former president will be held at the military facility been disclosed.

His transfer to a unit tasked with the security of heads of state and former presidents, rather than to a standard prison, is a development that public pressure on the streets of Asunción had already signaled would fall short of the demand for accountability.

Paraguay Has a New President

The Paraguayan Congress has sworn in the former vice president, Pedro Alliana, as the new head of state. Alliana was spared from impeachment proceedings in the Chamber of Deputies, which allowed him to assume the presidency amidst the crisis.

Paraguay now faces the challenge of rebuilding institutional trust, as millions of account holders await the return of their frozen funds and criminal proceedings against Peña take their first formal steps.

This article was originally published by Revista Forum. It was translated by Panamerican Dispatch. You can read the original, in Portuguese, here.

Democratic Congressional Representatives Jesús “Chuy” García, Jonathan Jackson, and Greg Casar joined 10 colleagues in sending a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio to denounce the rising repression.

The members urged Secretary Rubio to “immediately suspend all U.S. security assistance and military cooperation with the Noboa administration until democracy and the rule of law are fully restored, and the persecution of González and other opposition figures and parties cease.”

The recent arrest of former presidential candidate Luisa González and the crackdown on other opposition officials and parties marks the latest alarming phase in Ecuador’s descent into de facto one-party rule by President Daniel Noboa and his allies.

Military officers ride in the back of a truck during a ceremony of the military change of command at Eloy Alfaro Military School on November 26, 2025 in Quito, Ecuador. (Photo by Franklin Jacome/Agencia Press South/Getty Images)

The letter outlines how under President Daniel Noboa, “Ecuador has seen the repression of opposition actors across the political spectrum, attacks on judicial independence, and restrictions on the freedom of the press.”

Other concerns expressed by the congressional representatives about the Noboa government include its undermining of the judiciary, a prolonged “state of emergency” under which Noboa has claimed extraordinary powers, restricted civil liberties and human rights violations. Among the abuses is torture, extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, and sexual abuse in women’s prisons.

The lawmakers warned Rubio that if the Trump Administration fails to take action to deter the Noboa government’s authoritarian actions, Congress will use the tools at its disposal to compel a change of policy in the United States.

They concluded, “The United States cannot credibly claim to support democracy and the fight against drug-trafficking and organized crime while at the same time expanding its security relationship with a government that is rapidly tightening its authoritarian grip on power.”

In addition to Representatives García, Jackson, and Casar, the letter was signed by: Representatives Jasmine Crockett, from Texas; Adelita Grijalva, from Arizona; Hank Johnson, from Georgia; Ro Khanna, from California; Summer Lee, from Pennsylvania; Eleanor Holmes Norton, from Washington DC; Delia Ramirez and Jan Schakowsky, from Illinois; Rashida Tlaib, from Michigan; and Nydia Velázquez, from New York.

A full copy of the letter can be found here.

Eight days before Paraguay’s Central Bank initiated resolution proceedings for Ueno Bank, the far-right production company Brasil Paralelo released a documentary about the advantages of moving to Paraguay. The video, entitled “Paraguay: The Unexpected Destination,” premiered the day after Flavio Bolsonaro lost the presidential election on Oct. 26. It featured Raúl Latorre, president of Paraguay’s Congress and a member of President Santiago Peña’s Colorado Party.

Screen shot of international bridge from documentary by Brasil Paralelo, which is known for its slickly produced, conspiracy-theory laden hit jobs against left wing politicians and political parties, encouraging Brazilians to immigrate to Paraguay

The program was part of a wave of content that presented Paraguay as an economic alternative to Brazil. Financial influencers, business owners and bolsonarista pages began promoting supposed lower taxes, industrial incentives and ease of relocating companies and assets to the neighboring country.

The activity drew attention after Ueno Bank collapsed on Nov. 3. The Central Bank of Paraguay placed the institution, which served about 3 million customers and held $350 million in retirement pensions into resolution proceedings after solvency ratio had fallen to less than half the required minimum.

Brasil Paralelo interviewed a leader of the ruling party

Brasil Paralelo made the documentary available for free on YouTube. It highlighted Brazilian business owners who moved their operations to Paraguay, families who decided to leave Brazil and the tax advantages the country offers.

Latorre was one of the people interviewed, as was confirmed in an official statement from Paraguay’s Congress published on Oct. 30th.

In his interview with journalist Bruno Musa, Latorre praised Paraguay’s economic model, the conservative values of the Colorado Party and spoke of opportunities for foreign investors. He also emphasized the government’s support for private property, legal certainty and entrepreneurship.

The documentary illustrates social issues and problems in Paraguay’s public services, but devotes much more space to the supposed economic advantages for Brazilian business owners.

A bolsonarista network promoted immigration to Paraguay

The promotion of Paraguay did not start with Brasil Paralelo.

In September, an investigation by the Paraguayan news outlet El Surti identified a network of Brazilian social media influencers who were encouraging people to immigrate to Paraguay and set up companies there.

El Surti analyzed four social media profiles: Conexão Política, Imigra Paraguai, Buenno and Vinicius Guimaraes. Together they had more than 3 million followers on Instagram.

Their posts linked Paraguay’s tax incentives to political conservatism, opposition to the government of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and more flexible labor laws.

One of the people identified in the story is Davy Albuquerque de Fonseca, cofounder of the Conexão Política portal and CEO of Imigra Paraguai, a company that offers tax residency, immigration and business setup services for Brazilians to emigrate to the country.

In November 2025, the portal announced a partnership with the consulting firm to promote those services. One campaign presented Paraguay as a country that defends God, homeland, family and freedom.

Conexão Política promoted an event sponsored by Ueno Bank

A post from Aug. 30 links Ueno Bank advertising to the Brazilian network that promotes Paraguay.

That day, Conexão Política published content about the WRC Ueno Rally del Paraguay, an auto race sponsored by the bank. The post identified Imigra Paraguai as a partner of the portal. It offered the consultancy’s services to Brazilians interested in investing in or buying property in Paraguay.

The content combines the Ueno Bank brand with commercial promotion by the Brazilian consulting firm. It does not prove, however, that the bank hired or paid the portal for the post.

Primo Rico, Bruno Perini among influencers who promoted Paraguay

The promotion of Paraguay’s economic advantages also reached influencers with large audiences in Brazil.

Thiago Nigro, known as Primo Rico (Rich Cousin), published a video entitled “The Flight of Brazilians to Paraguay.” In it, he discussed the transfer of companies, industrial incentives and reduced taxes. The video also carried an ad for Mercado Bitcoin.

Bruno Perini published price and tax comparisons between the two countries. In September, he highlighted differences in the prices of cars made in Brazil and sold in Paraguay. He attributed part of the difference to taxes.

Luciano Hang, a former major campaign donor and close ally of Jair Bolsonaro who owns the Havan box store chain, visited Asunción in July and met with Peña. Hang said he was studying an expansion of his business to Paraguay.

Other names involved in promoting Paraguay’s economic opportunities are Rob Correa, the Gêmeos Investem channel and Luciano Campos of Inteligência Empresarial. Their content covers taxes, tax residency, setting up factories and opening companies.

Not every YouTuber joined the trend. Filipe Boni published a video titled “The REAL Reason Brazilians Are Fleeing to Paraguay, Explained.” In it, he criticizes Brazilians who leave for the neighboring country, drawn by the promise of economic advantages.

In the El Surti investigation, influencer João Buenno also appears among those promoting Paraguay’s advantages. Guimaraes was interviewed and denied that he advocates weakening labor laws.

Ueno Bank confirms use of influencers

Ueno Bank included influencers in its advertising strategy. The agency 23 Sports was responsible for the “Todo por ganar” (Everything to win) campaign. Its portfolio lists the channels used to promote the institution while Paraguay prepared for the 2026 World Cup. Besides television, radio, print, outdoor advertising and digital platforms, the agency expressly lists influencers as an advertising category.

The record is available on the official 23 Sports website. The page does not identify the influencers involved or mention contracts with Brazilians.

Bank sponsored an event with Eduardo Bolsonaro in the United States

Ueno Bank also sponsored events for the international far right. It was a sponsor of the Hispanic Prosperity Gala on Feb. 10, 2026, at President Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago club in Florida. Among the prominent actors of the Latin American far right in attendance were Eduardo Bolsonaro and Argentine political consultant Fernando Cerimedo, who is currently in jail in Bolivia for attempting to murder his pregnant girlfriend. Ueno Bank appeared among the sponsors in the Diamond category, which the organizers offered for a minimum of $100,000. The amount the bank actually paid was not disclosed.

The Central Bank of Paraguay began resolution proceedings for Ueno Bank on Nov. 3 after finding that its financial position had deteriorated.

The agency hired by the bank documented the campaigns with influencers. There is no proof, however, that Ueno Bank paid the Brazilians who promoted immigration to Paraguay.

This article originally appeared in Revista Fórum, was translated with express authorization of the editor-in-chief by Panamerican Dispatch, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.

The Brazilian government views the fall of Paraguayan President Santiago Peña as another defeat for Latin American leaders who bet everything on political alignment with the United States.

The Lula administration has no interest in instability in a neighboring country. Likewise, it has no illusions that leftist forces could govern Paraguay in the near future. One concern is that the crisis could take on social proportions. After all, a bank that reportedly held the savings and pensions of nearly half of the country’s population has collapsed.

(Photo: Social Media)

The urgency, therefore, is to avoid political chaos. Brazil is expected to appeal in the coming hours for calm to be restored.

Still, sources in Brasília said the government in Asunción had adopted the “complete recipe” of submission to American interests.

In recent years, Peña authorized a military agreement with President Donald Trump that called for the possible creation of a foreign base in the country. Paraguay also signed pacts allowing American companies based there to use free energy from the Itaipú hydroelectric plant. It also signed investment agreements and deals for foreign exploitation of natural resources.

Under Peña, Paraguay nominated itself as a candidate to lead the Organization of American States (OAS). It officially recognizes Taiwan, and has voted with the United States on unpopular measures at the United Nations.

Despite a possible ideological shift in Paraguay, Brazil does not yet expect a progressive wave in the region. The Brazilian government believes that disputes with the far right will last for years, both in Brazil and across the region.

However, it is well known that far right governments in the region are suffering drops in popularity and turbulence.

Part of the strategy for a new Lula term in 2027 is to revive integration projects that interest both the right and the left.

The Brazilian government plans to persuade other governments in the region to join a project of “possible integration.” It would rest on pragmatism, even among governments with deeply divergent ideologies.

One topic to explore would be cooperation on public security. Lula is also expected to step up meetings with South American heads of state. He hopes to send clear signals that he wants to resume the process of rapprochement.

Brazil has not ruled out inviting Venezuelan officials or making bilateral visits.

This article first appeared in ICL Notícias, was translated with express authorization from its editor by Panamerican Dispatch, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.

A São Paulo court has ordered Meta to stop using material produced by Brazilian news organizations without their permission. The ruling came Tuesday, after a lawsuit was filed by a coalition of associations that represent newspapers, news magazines, radio and television broadcasters.

(Photo: Marcello Casal Jr/Agência Brasil)

The order bars Meta from using articles, images and videos published by news outlets without their consent. Meta owns Facebook, Instagram, WhatsApp and Threads. The ruling also protects the outlets from penalties if they refuse Meta’s new requirements.

The National Association of Newspapers (ANJ), the Brazilian Association of Radio and Television Broadcasters (ABERT) and the National Association of Magazine Publishers (ANER) filed the lawsuit.

The groups challenged changes to Meta’s commercial terms. Under those changes, outlets would have to let Meta access the content on their own websites. Meta’s automated systems would be able to view, copy, store and process the material. Meta wanted to use that archive to train and feed its artificial intelligence. The new rules were set to take effect Nov. 20.

Meta cannot restrict outlets’ pages

The ruling also bars Meta from blocking or limiting the accounts, pages and tools of the outlets that the associations represent. Meta cannot sanction any outlet that rejects the commercial terms challenged in the lawsuit.

Judge Guilherme Madeira Dezem of São Paulo’s 44th Civil Court set a fine of R$1 million (about $183,000) per day if Meta disobeys the order. The accumulated fine could reach R$100 million (about $18.3 million).

Dezem said Meta has had difficulty complying with court rulings in other cases. He said the large fine is necessary because of Meta’s history of resisting court orders.

The preliminary injunction suspends Meta’s requirement that outlets grant permission to use their journalism in order to stay on its platforms.

Associations challenge use of press content

The associations said Meta’s proposed changes threatened outlets’ copyright protection and widened the imbalance between digital platforms and the companies that actually produce news.

They said news reports and other journalistic material result from professional work and investment by news organizations. They said technology companies must therefore respect the rights of those producers when they access and use the content.

In a joint statement, ANJ, ABERT and ANER said the ruling is important for protecting intellectual property and the economic conditions needed to sustain professional journalism.

Meta said it would not comment on the ruling.

This article first appeared in TVT News, was translated to English by Panamerican Dispatch with express authorization from its editor, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.

The sudden collapse of Paraguay’s Ueno Bank has triggered an unprecedented shockwave, paralyzing the country’s economy. The digital bank was the processor of roughly two-thirds of all electronic transactions at retail establishments across the country. It saw its operations abruptly shut down, leaving the commercial sector in a state of near-paralysis and plunging the population into a climate of despair and uncertainty over the fate of their finances.

The collapse occurred in the early hours of Tuesday, October 3, when the Central Bank of Paraguay ordered an intervention and the closure of the bank, initiating a liquidation process after identifying a severe solvency crisis. Audited financial statements revealed that the institution’s capitalization ratio had fallen to less than half of the minimum required by national regulations.

Ueno Bank depositors demonstrate in front of police officers during a protest following the intervention of the bank by Paraguay’s Central Bank in Asuncion on November 3, 2026. (Photo by DANIEL DUARTE / AFP via Getty Images)

The authorities’ response was immediate: the Paraguayan Public Prosecutor’s Office launched a criminal investigation into the bank’s leadership and issued arrest warrants for at least eight executives linked to the controlling entity, the Vázquez Group, including the chairman of the board, Miguel Vázquez.

The crisis has even reached the national political sphere, refocusing attention on Paraguayan President Santiago Peña, who was previously an investor in Ueno Bank’s holding company before selling his stake in March 2025.

Retail Paralysis and Daily Chaos for the Population

With the immediate suspension of all Ueno Bank operations, the impact on the country’s streets has been devastating. The bank had become the backbone of digital payments in Paraguay, amassing over 2.9 million account holders in a nation of approximately 6.1 million people. It was processing more than three million transactions daily.

The service disruption brought about 70% of retail and import-sector sales to a standstill. Unable to process card payments or transfers linked to the digital banks’s app, merchants saw their sale volume collapse, while thousands of citizens found themselves unable to carry out basic daily tasks, like paying for public transport, buying groceries, settling rent, or covering university tuition.

The social crisis is compounded by the impact on vulnerable groups. more than 32,000 retirees used the financial institution to receive their monthly social security benefits from the Social Welfare Institute, IPS, Paraguay’s social security agency.

Panic in the Streets, Tension, and Loss of Faith in the Social Security System

The inability to access one’s own funds, indicated only by error messages on mobile apps, led to growing crowds and protests outside shuttered branches in Asunción, Ciudad del Este, and various towns across the country.

In Ñemby, in the capital’s metropolitan area, the mounting tension culminated in one desperate customer smashing the glass door of a branch while seeking information. Faced with the risk of civil unrest, the National Police placed their forces on high alert and bolstered security around all of the financial institution’s locations nationwide.

The crisis at Ueno Bank has also sounded a red alert over the future of the public social security system. The IPS has approximately US$ 300 million invested or deposited with the liquidated institution, sparking deep concern among the working class that the loss of these assets could compromise the financial sustainability of the pension fund for decades to come.

Promises of Reimbursement and the Erosion of Credibility

To contain widespread panic and prevent a domino effect, the Central Bank of Paraguay was quick to characterize the episode as an isolated event, asserting that the rest of the banking system remains sound. The monetary authority stated that about 97% of account holders have balances covered by the Deposit Guarantee Fund, which ensures the return of up to 228 million guaranis, approximately US$ 37,400 per client.

However, the state guarantee sets a timeframe of up to 15 days for the funds to begin being settled and returned to account holders. For families and small business owners who relied on their daily balances to survive and keep their businesses running, a two-week wait represents an unsustainable gap. The episode has shattered the credibility of digital banks in the country, leaving behind a large number of clients determined to move their funds to traditional institutions as soon as their money is recovered.

This article was originally published by Revista Forum. It was translated by Panamerican Dispatch. You can read the original, in Portuguese, here.

Israeli Menachem Booky Halevy is one of the people identified in the exfiltration of Liberal Party (PL) Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro to the United States. Reports describe Halevy as a former agent of Mossad, Israel’s secret service. Flávio Bolsonaro was removed from Brazil two days after he lost the presidential runoff to incumbant President Lula da Silva, of the Workers’ Party (PT).

Like so many fleeing Latin American politicians and drug lords before him, Flávio Bolsonaro was whisked into Miami’s Opa Locka executive airport (Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

Halevy crossed the border from Foz do Iguaçu, in Paraná state, to Puerto Iguazú, Argentina, on the night of Oct. 27. He traveled with Roberto Jorge Alexandre, a former defense lawyer of former President Jair Bolsonaro. The two were in a van that crossed the border about seven minutes before being followed by a vehicle carrying Flávio Bolsonaro and his family.

TV Globo’s “Fantástico” revealed Halevy’s identity on Sunday, Nov. 1, based on Argentine immigration documents. The presence of a former member of one of the world’s best known intelligence services raises suspicions about the structure built to get Flávio Bolsonaro out of Brazil. Justice Alexandre de Moraes of the Supreme Federal Court (STF) had barred him from leaving the country in accordance with Brazilian law, because he a suspect in a multi-million dollar money laundering investigation.

Who is Menachem Booky Halevy

Halevy is a dual Israeli and U.S. national. Reports identify him as a former member of Mossad. Little is publicly known about his career before the exfiltration. The reports do not say when he joined Israeli intelligence, how long he stayed or what role he held.

Mossad is the agency responsible for Israel’s foreign intelligence operations. Those include gathering information, covert activities and special operations outside Israel.

According to CNN Brasil, Halevy arrived in Brazil on Oct. 19, six days before the runoff. The date matters because planning for the escape may have started during the campaign, before Lula’s victory was confirmed.

Information released later indicates that Halevy made three other trips to Brazil in 2026. The purpose of those visits, where he went and whom he met in the country remain unclear.

The exfiltration operation for Flávio Bolsonaro was reportedly given the code name “Alba.”

Crossing the border with a lawyer for Jair Bolsonaro

Argentine immigration records gave new weight to the identification of Halevy. “Fantástico” reported that the records show him crossing into Argentina with Roberto Jorge Alexandre.

Neri Luiz Dala Corte has been identified as the van driver hired hired to take the passengers from Foz do Iguaçu to the Puerto Iguazú airport.

The van went through immigration control about seven minutes before another van linked to Flávio Bolsonaro’s entry into Argentina.

It is still unclear who hired Halevy, what role he played in planning the trip and whether he had contact with representatives of the Argentine or U.S. governments.

An international operation

Flávio Bolsonaro’s escape involved travel by land and air across Brazil, Argentina, Ecuador and the United States. After crossing the border, he boarded a Gulfstream G400 with his family. The jet, registration LV-JQW, is operated by the Argentine company Baires Fly.

The plane stopped in Guayaquil, Ecuador, then landed at Opa-locka Executive Airport near Miami on the morning of Oct. 28.

The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal reported that Jason Miller, an ally and political adviser of President Donald Trump, helped organize the flight. Secretary of State Marco Rubio denies that the United States took part in organizing the escape.

In Argentina, reports on how the operation came together also named Santiago Caputo, a top adviser to President Javier Milei.

The mysteries surrounding the former agent

Halevy’s role leaves key questions unanswered. The first is who called on him and what ties he had to Flávio Bolsonaro or his allies. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government may also have taken a direct part in the Bolsonaro family’s plan.

Another question is whether Halevy’s earlier trips to Brazil included meetings or preparations for Flávio Bolsonaro’s removal.

Who paid for the operation is also unknown. That includes the ground transport, the international logistics and the chartered plane.

The Federal Police is investigating how Flávio Bolsonaro left Brazil despite a court order barring him from doing so.

The identification of Halevy is a new lead for reconstructing the network of people involved. So far, no court ruling has established Halevy’s criminal responsibility. There is no proof that Mossad took an institutional role in the exfiltration.

This article first appeared in Revista Fórum, was translated with express authorization of its editor-in-chief, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.

One week after the historic victory of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silvia in the second round of the 2026 elections, the National Union of Students is held nation-wide mobilizations this Sunday, November 1. The rallies were titled “Brazil with an ‘S’” (“Brasil com S”).

Students celebrated the victory of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in Rio de Janeiro on November 1, 2026. Photo by Fabio Teixeira/Anadolu via Getty Images)

The actions came in response to statements made by supporters of defeated far-right Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, who questioned the election results. Beyond celebrating Lula’s win, the mobilizations also denounced and condemned the attacks against Indigenous peoples following the election.

According to Brazil’s largest Indigenous organization, the Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil, APIB, there have been more than 30 reports of violence against Indigenous individuals since the election.

An Indigenous person in the march holds up a sign that reads: “There is a Brazil of the head dress,” in defense of Indigenous peoples. (Photo by Fabio Teixeira/Anadolu via Getty Images)

For Camila Moraes, secretary-general of the National Union of Students, the events that have unfolded since the election on Sunday, October 25, underscore the need for ongoing, permanent mobilization.

“Today must also be a day of struggle,” she told Brasil de Fato. “A day to denounce the attacks and threats that the far-right continues to pose to the Brazilian people. We are seeing this in the attacks against Indigenous peoples, workers, and students, which amount to clear political intimidation. That is why I believe it is essential that we remain in a state of permanent mobilization, occupying the streets and, above all, organizing ourselves politically.”

Demonstrations organized by students also expressed support for Indigenous peoples (@uneoficial)

Mobilizations

The president of the National Union of Students, Bianca Borges, participated in the demonstration at Praça Roosevelt, in the city of São Paulo.

In a social media post, she emphasized the importance of sustained mobilization to ensure the stability of the Lula administration, while also condemning the violence directed at Indigenous peoples following the election.

“We have also gathered to denounce serious instances of political violence, including those targeting Indigenous communities,” she wrote.

The ‘Brazil with an S’ mobilization took place this Sunday in Maceió, Manaus, Goiânia, Cuiabá, São Luís, Belém, Recife, Rio de Janeiro, Porto Alegre, São Paulo, Brasília, and Maringá.

This article was originally published by Brasil de Fato. It was translated by Panamerican Dispatch. You can read the original, in Portuguese, here.

Meta, which runs Instagram, Facebook and Threads, must take down posts that encourage business owners to persecute, expose or fire employees over their political preferences, a labor court has ruled.

Protest in front of Meta headquarters in S. Paulo (photo: Paulo Pinto/Agencia Brasil)

Judge Bruno José Perusso of São Paulo’s 77th Labor Court granted the preliminary injunction on Thursday. It came in a public civil action filed by the Public Labor Prosecutor’s Office (MPT).

MPT is also seeking R$50 million (about $9.2 million) in collective moral damages. Meta has 24 hours from being notified to remove 14 posts that MPT identified.

The decision also orders Meta to suspend the algorithmic recommendation of those posts. Meta must also show users of all three platforms in Brazil a warning about electoral harassment.

Electoral harassment

MPT says it brought the action after receiving more than 3,080 complaints of electoral harassment across Brazil during the 2026 election. Of those, 1,147 were filed within 72 hours after the runoff.

MPT says social media posts encouraged employers to:

• investigate employees’ profiles to find their political preferences;

• monitor how workers vote;

• stop hiring people because of their political convictions;

• fire employees who backed candidates other than the ones their bosses preferred; and

• expose workers to public ridicule for their electoral choices.

MPT also says the platforms’ recommendation systems, such as Instagram’s Explore tab and suggested Reels (short videos), could widen the reach of this kind of content.

Meta’s obligations

The decision sets out several measures Meta must carry out:

• Removal: delete the 14 posts MPT identified within 24 hours of being notified;

• Recommendations: stop the algorithmic boosting of the identified content;

• Notification: tell the owners of the affected accounts within 48 hours that the posts were removed under a court order;

• Preservation of evidence: keep the removed material and its technical records until the case ends; and

• Warning to users: publish an institutional notice on all three platforms within 72 hours, to stay up for five consecutive days.

The notice must state that Brazilian law bans discrimination against workers over their political convictions, preferences or expression. The ban applies to hiring and firing decisions as well.

Freedom of expression

In the decision, Perusso wrote that freedom of expression and the voicing of political opinions are protected rights. He also wrote that these rights do not allow anyone to encourage discriminatory practices in labor relations.

Perusso distinguished between voicing partisan opinions and inciting professional persecution of workers over their electoral choices. He added that the ability to fire without cause does not let employers use an employee’s political preference as grounds for discriminatory punishment.

Fines and damages

If Meta fails to comply with the removal order, it could face a daily fine of R$50,000 (about $9,200) for each post left online. Failing to publish the institutional notice could bring a fine of R$200,000 (about $36,800).

The injunction is provisional and is not a final ruling on the case. The court has yet to decide on the R$50 million request for collective moral damages. The case is pending in the 77th Labor Court of São Paulo. Meta can appeal the decision in the labor court system.

This article first appeared in Agência Brasil, a nationwide public news agency, run by the Brazilian government. and has been translated by Panamerican Dispatch. Read it in its original Portuguese here.

BERLIN

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s victory has derailed U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s plan for a right wing Latin America. It also showed that Brazilians reject authoritarianism. That is the assessment of Jens Glüsing, a correspondent for Der Spiegel, Germany’s biggest news magazine, in a podcast episode released Saturday.

In a conversation with journalist Juan Moreno on the podcast Acht Milliarden (8 Billion), Glüsing discusses Lula’s electoral comeback, U.S. strategy for the region and Flávio Bolsonaro’s flight to the United States. The magazine’s headline sums up his view: the Brazilian president’s victory is a political defeat for Rubio.

Lula during his final campaign rally on October 24, in S. Paulo (Photo: Ricardo Stuckert)

Brazil and Mexico Block the Right’s Strategy

“Marco Rubio failed,” Glüsing said, discussing the secretary of state’s effort to build an axis of right wing governments across Latin America.

Glüsing noted that Brazil and Mexico, the region’s two largest economies and political heavyweights, are still governed by the left. Lula and Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum will both remain in office beyond the current Trump administration. That undermines the regional strategy.

Glüsing separates the positions of the U.S. president and his secretary of state, though. He sees Rubio as the main ideological architect of the project and a contact for the Bolsonaros in Washington. He believes Trump has a more pragmatic relationship with Lula.

According to Glüsing, the Brazilian government picked up on that difference and reached out to Trump directly, bypassing Rubio. He expects the two countries to keep talking, despite the tensions involving the Bolsonaro family.

Digital Campaign Helped Lula Turn the Race Around

To explain the win, Glüsing points to Lula’s change in strategy between the two rounds. He said Lula’s early campaign centered on the achievements of his first governments. That approach struggled to reach younger voters.

In the runoff, the president reworked his strategy and put more weight on digital mobilization, with help from Rep. André Janones. Glüsing called the response “a fantastic campaign.”

He described a network of supporters dedicated to persuading voters and getting them to the polls. Short videos, spread mostly through WhatsApp, played a central role.

Glüsing also said the debates undercut Flávio Bolsonaro’s attempt to present himself as a moderate candidate. That image lost credibility as the debates went on, he said, while Lula managed to energize young people and boost engagement.

Voting Hours Argument Doesn’t Hold Up

The episode also covers Bolsonaro’s attempt to blame his loss on the extension of voting hours. Glüsing recalled that both campaigns had asked for more time for voters, though their requests differed in scope.

According to the figures Glüsing cited, about 35,000 Brazilians voted during the two extra hours. Lula won by more than 4 million votes. For Glüsing, the comparison shows the longer hours did not decide the election.

He also noted that politicians from Bolsonaro’s own camp recognized Lula’s win. That undercut the defeated candidate’s effort to keep contesting the result.

Flight and Letter Deepen Bolsonaro’s Isolation

Glüsing said he believes Bolsonaro fled Brazil to escape the courts. He linked the flight to investigations into money laundering and corruption, and to Justice Alexandre de Moraes’ order that Bolsonaro hand over his passport.

Glüsing contrasted that with Bolsonaro’s attempt to portray himself as an insurgent fighting the institutions. “He’s part of the system,” Glüsing said.

Bolsonaro had won a strong vote total and could have taken over as opposition leader, as he had promised, Glüsing argued. Instead, the flight and the letter released in the United States have deepened divisions among his allies.

Glüsing pointed to a change in the letter. At first, Bolsonaro called himself the president-elect. Later, the document described him as the political leader of Brazil. Part of the right accepted Lula’s victory and sought dialogue with the government. The circle around the senator kept pushing the challenge.

Commenting on the Bolsonaro camp’s response to defeat, Glüsing concluded:

“They’re not democrats. That’s their problem.”

This article first appeared in Revista Fórum, was translated to English by Panamerican Dispatch with express authorization of the editor-in-chief, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.

The Brazilian government is seeking to lift the debate over foreign intervention through social media to the international stage. It comes less than a week after the Brazilian election, which was impacted by the role of digital platforms and accusations of U.S. involvement.

In a document obtained by ICL Notícias, Brazilian diplomats requested that the leadership of the Organization of American States, OAS, include the issue of foreign intervention through manipulated information in the organization’s meeting on November 4, in Washington. The proposal was received favorably by the governments of Mexico, Uruguay, and Canada.

Brazilians hold signs reading “Brazil Decides Brazil”, “End Digital Censorship” and carry oversized cutouts depicting Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg and U.S. President Donald Trump during a demonstration in front of Meta’s headquarters in São Paulo, Brazil, on October 19, 2026, denouncing alleged interference by big tech companies in the Brazilian election. (Photo by NELSON ALMEIDA / AFP via Getty Images)

In presenting the rationale for including the issue on the OAS agenda, the Brazilian document highlights how “foreign interference and manipulation in the information space pose a challenge to the free formation of political will, the integrity of public debate, and the functioning of democratic institutions.”

“Operations of this nature can compromise electoral processes, deepen social divisions, and weaken trust in institutions and the press,” it warns. “Their cross-border reach and the use of digital technologies make a multilateral discussion advisable, one focused on responses consistent with democracy, human rights, and state sovereignty.”

The idea is for the OAS to conduct an initial technical review to “determine conceptual convergences, assess the adequacy of existing standards, and identify potential gaps.”

“It would also be possible to analyze criteria for potential forms of cooperation, as well as parameters for transparency and accountability on the part of digital actors, without prejudging the form or content of any future decisions that states might take in this regard,” the document explains.

Brazil noted that the issue of foreign interference in elections is part of the broader subject of foreign intervention and manipulation in the information space, a topic that has been addressed with increasing frequency within multilateral forums.

“The focus has been on defending the right to freedom of expression and the integrity of information, based on the premise that disinformation and ‘fake news’ have had negative effects on the conduct of free and fair elections, irreparably damaging the democratic processes through which the popular will is formed,” the document states

In defining the concept, Brazil highlighted how it encompassed manipulative, intentional, and coordinated behaviors carried out by foreign actors, whether state or non-state, either directly or through intermediaries.

Among the techniques employed are the concealment of the origin and funding of campaigns, the use of networks of fake accounts, the impersonation of media outlets, and the artificial amplification of content, including through the use of artificial intelligence.

“The analysis focuses on the methods employed, the coordination, and the foreign connection of the operation, rather than solely on the veracity of individual messages,” the document notes.

Brazil pointed out that the debate is already well-advanced in Europe and within the UN.

“A discussion within the Permanent Council [of the OAS] would allow for an examination of how these principles apply to contemporary information manipulation operations, and what cooperative measures could strengthen national capacities, all while ensuring compliance with applicable international obligations and Inter-American human rights standards, including the requirements of legality, necessity, proportionality, and due process,” the Brazilian Foreign Ministry argued.

This article was originally published by ICL Noticias. It was translated by Panamerican Dispatch. You can read the original, in Portuguese, here.

Flávio Bolsonaro’s flight to the United States following his defeat in the presidential election has turned the senator into a target of widespread ridicule and deepened his political isolation, even among his own allies. This is the focus of a report by the international news agency Agence France-Presse AFP, published this Thursday, October 29, which covers the attempt by Jair Bolsonaro’s son to declare himself the “leader of Brazil” from Florida.

Under the headline “Brazil’s Flavio Bolsonaro isolated, ridiculed after self-exile,” the AFP describes a mix of mockery, disbelief, and disapproval over the actions of the defeated candidate.

Presidential candidate Flavio Bolsonaro looks on after the results of the general election day on October 25, 2026 in Brasilia, Brazil. (Photo by Ton Molina/Getty Images)

After leaving Brazil via a route that took him through Argentina and Ecuador, despite a court order requiring him to surrender his passports, Flávio released a letter in which he presented himself as the country’s “true president.” Minutes later, he amended the text to define himself simply as a “leader.”

From Defeated Candidate to Laughingstock

The self-proclamation triggered a flood of irony on social media. The AFP notes that singer Anitta joined in, declaring herself “free of cellulite,” while one influencer claimed to be the “true president” of Twitter, and another social media user announced that she had won an upcoming lottery draw. Revista Fórum also covered Anitta’s ironic response to Flávio Bolsonaro’s self-proclamation.

The episode took an unusual turn when an ally of Bolsonaro attributed the use of an obsolete Brazilian coat of arms, discarded in the 1960s, in one version of the letter to ChatGPT. The Brazilian press also weighed in. According to the news agency, a column in O Globo compared Flávio to a “madhouse Napoleon,” while Folha de São Paulo described the statement as “pathetic.”

Even Allies Reject Flávio’s Move

The embarrassment was felt even inside the Bolsonarista camp. The governor of São Paulo, Tarcísio de Freitas told Estadão that the election results are sovereign and must be respected.

Meanwhile, Rogério Marinho, coordinator of Flávio’s campaign, acknowledged that there is no evidence of the electoral fraud alleged by the defeated candidate.

The national president of the Liberal Party, Valdemar Costa Neto, also distanced himself from the initiative. After visiting Jair Bolsonaro this Thursday, October 29, he said that “no one approves” of the letter released by the senator and argued that the party should move on.

Speaking to AFP, political scientist Geraldo Monteiro, from Rio de Janeiro State University, said that this self-proclamation was a calculated attempt by Flávio to preserve his influence over the right wing. However, he considers it unlikely that the senator will be able to lead the opposition from abroad, given that the elected lawmakers no longer depend on him. In the researcher’s view, the initiative also exposes a rift between those allies who remain unconditionally loyal to the Bolsonaro family and those who have no desire to participate in another coup-plot venture.

This article was originally published by Revista Forum. It has been translated by Panamerican Dispatch. You can read it in its original Portuguese here.

The arrival of Senator Flávio Bolsonaro in the United States, following his defeat in the presidential election to President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, has sparked a wave of indignation across social media in the United States.

Users have taken to the hashtag #DeportTheBolsonaros to demand that the Donald Trump administration deport the senator and his family members, who arrived in Miami on Wednesday, October 28.

The campaign has gained traction amid reports that the White House not only authorized the Bolsonaro family’s entry into the country, but also intends to facilitate their path toward permanent U.S. residency.

Supporters of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva protest against Trump and Bolsonaro on September 7, 2025. (Photo by MIGUEL SCHINCARIOL/AFP via Getty Images)

White House Assisted Flávio Bolsonaro in leaving Brazil

Public outcry intensified following a report published this Thursday, October 29, by The New York Times, which revealed details regarding the involvement of Trump administration officials in Flávio Bolsonaro’s departure from Brazil.

According to the newspaper, Jason Miller, a White House communications official and ally of the Bolsonaro family, arranged the private jet used by the senator, his wife, and his two daughters.

The aircraft departed from Argentina, made a refueling stop in Ecuador, and continued on to Miami.

The New York Times further reported that the Trump administration authorized the entry of the senator and his family through an immigration mechanism that allows for a temporary stay in the country.

U.S. officials also indicated that Flávio may be eligible to apply for permanent residency, or “green card,” through a process that could potentially be expedited.

Internet users accuse Trump of hypocrisy regarding immigration policy

Another point fueling outrage on social media is the contrast between the treatment afforded to the Bolsonaro family and the immigration policy adopted by the Trump administration.

Internet users accuse the U.S. president of hypocrisy for facilitating the entry and stay of a foreign political ally, while his administration maintains an immigration policy marked by the aggressive tactics of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement

For critics, this episode highlights the disparity in treatment between poor immigrants, who are subjected to enforcement and deportation operations, and members of politically influential families who enjoy the support of the White House.

This article was originally published by Revista Forum. It was translated by Panamerican Dispatch. You can read it in its original Portuguese language here.

A group of 25 Democratic members of the U.S. House of Representatives has sent a letter to U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, demanding clarification over the possible involvement of Donald Trump’s administration in the departure of Senator Flávio Bolsonaro from Brazil and his arrival in the United States.

Bolsonaro lost his presidential bid on Sunday, October 25, to President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

The lawmakers are seeking to determine whether U.S. diplomatic resources or immigration mechanisms were used to facilitate the exit of Bolsonaro from Brazil.

Bolsonaro left the country after a court ordered him to surrender his passports amid investigations into suspected money laundering and currency evasion.

Flavio Bolsonaro steps off a plane after arriving at Opa Locka Executive Airport in Miami, Florida on October 28, 2026. (Photo by Ricardo ARDUENGO / AFP via Getty Images)

According to information published by the newspaper O Globo this Friday, October 30, the congressional letter to Marco Rubio came after a report by The New York Times, which revealed that Jason Miller reportedly organized the private jet used by the senator to travel from Argentina to the United States, with a stopover in Ecuador. Miller is a White House communications official and ally of the Bolsonaro family.

Flávio Bolsonaro arrived in Miami on Wednesday, October 28, accompanied by his wife and daughters.

The letter from the U.S. lawmakers was sent to Marco Rubio on Thursday evening, October 29, and obtained by the U.S. news outlet Politico. The signatories include prominent members of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. The initiative was led by California representative Sydney Kamlager-Dove and Nevada congresswoman Dina Titus.

The lawmakers are demanding information on the State Department’s role in granting a visa to Flávio Bolsonaro, and any communications held with other federal agencies. They also ask whether U.S. authorities were aware of the ongoing criminal investigations into the senator in Brazil.

“The American people and Congress have a legitimate oversight interest in understanding whether U.S. diplomatic and immigration resources were used to facilitate the travel of a foreign political figure under these circumstances,” the lawmakers wrote in the document.

In another passage, the Democrats highlighted the potential diplomatic implications of the episode for relations between Brazil and the United States.

“Transparency is particularly important where the reported events implicate a foreign judicial proceeding, sensitive bilateral relations, and the consistent application of U.S. immigration and diplomatic policies,” they wrote.

As of the publication of the original report, the U.S. State Department had not responded to press inquiries regarding the letter.

Trump Ally Allegedly Organized a Plane for Flávio Bolsonaro

Suspicion regarding the involvement of members of the U.S. administration gained traction after a New York Times report, published on Thursday, October 29, detailed Jason Miller’s participation in organizing the trip.

According to the newspaper, Eduardo Bolsonaro reached out to Miller as soon as his brother was ordered to surrender his passports. The order had been issued by Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes on Sunday, October 25, amid investigations into suspected money laundering and currency evasion.

The plan to get Flávio Bolsonaro out of Brazil was reportedly set in motion on Monday, October 26, after the senator became aware of the order to hand over his documents.

The private aircraft used for the international leg of the journey departed from Argentina, made a stop in Ecuador, and continued on to the United States. Miller’s role in organizing the flight is one of the factors that has fueled further questions regarding potential assistance from the Trump administration.

Beyond the circumstances of the trip, U.S. authorities are also reportedly considering the possibility of granting permanent residency to the Brazilian senator. A U.S. government source informed The New York Times that Flávio Bolsonaro is expected to apply for a “green card”, a document granting permanent residency in the country.

According to this official, the application could be fast tracked, under conditions similar to those granted to Eduardo Bolsonaro. The granting of this status, however, has not yet been officially confirmed.

Federal Police Investigate Escape Route and Potential Assistance from Business Figures

In Brazil, the Federal Police are working to reconstruct the route taken by Flávio Bolsonaro to leave the country following his defeat in Sunday’s presidential election, on October 25.

Investigators are seeking to clarify how the senator traveled from Brasília to the Foz do Iguaçu region in the state of Paraná, near the border with Argentina. While his subsequent international travel is known, there remain gaps about his movements prior to his arrival in the neighboring country.

One hypothesis being examined by the Federal Police is that Flávio may have traveled by land from Brasília to Foz do Iguaçu, a journey that would take approximately 20 hours.

Another possibility involves the use of a private aircraft, which may have departed from an airfield or a landing strip located on a rural property within the Federal District or its surrounding areas. Investigators are also considering the possibility that the senator combined both land and air travel.

One element under analysis is the movement of the motorcade typically used by Flávio Bolsonaro in Brasília. On Monday, October 26, at approximately 7:50 PM, the vehicles left the residential complex where the senator lives. As of the time of this report, there has been no confirmation as to who was inside the vehicles.

The Federal Police are also investigating whether business associates and political allies of the Bolsonaro family provided financial or logistical support to facilitate the senator’s departure.

Another line of inquiry explores the potential involvement of members of the Argentine government, led by President Javier Milei. This hypothesis remains under investigation.

Flávio Violates a Supreme Federal Court Order.

Flávio Bolsonaro’s departure occurred amidst a Federal Police inquiry into suspected money laundering involving the senator and lawyer Willer Tomaz, a friend of the Bolsonaro family who has been in the United States since August.

Alexandre de Moraes’ order to surrender passports had been issued as a precautionary measure within the scope of the investigations. Despite the judicial order, the senator left Brazil and arrived in Miami on Wednesday.

The Federal Police are investigating the circumstances of the trip precisely because Flávio left the country without complying with the requirement to hand over his documents. The senator, however, remains under investigation and is not formally classified by the police as a fugitive.

Trump Criticizes Brazilian Election and Acknowledges Contact with Lula

The controversy surrounding Flávio Bolsonaro’s arrival in the United States comes at a time of political tension following the Brazilian presidential election. When asked by journalists about the outcome of the race, U.S. President Donald Trump criticized the Brazilian electoral process, though he claimed he had not taken sides in the vote.

“I followed the elections. I didn’t take sides, but I saw what was happening in Brazil. It was a disgrace. The market said as much. Look at how the market reacted,” Trump said before departing for a campaign rally.

The U.S. President also claimed that he had not supported any candidate at the request of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Despite his criticism of the election, Trump responded that he would reach out to Lula to congratulate him on his victory.

Otávio Rosso is a reporter with Brasil 247. This article was originally published by Brasil 247. It has been translated by Panamerican Dispatch. You can read it in its original Portuguese here.

Federal Deputies Célia Xakriabá (PSOL) and Sônia Guajajara (PSOL)

The two lawmakers sent a formal letter to those agencies asking them to investigate the case, identify and hold the people responsible accountable, and take immediate steps to protect Indigenous communities.

The threats came to light after audio recordings began circulating that are attributed to a Tacuru city government employee. In them, the speaker mentions the possibility of poisoning the water the Indigenous residents drink. The complaints surfaced after President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva won reelection.

Tacuru Mayor Rogério Torquetti (PSDB) said the employee has been removed from his post and faces an administrative disciplinary proceeding. The employee’s name has not been released. After the backlash, the mayor also asked the Indigenous community to forgive the comment.

The federal government has asked the Federal Police to investigate the threats and any racist statements aimed at Indigenous peoples in Mato Grosso do Sul after the 2026 presidential runoff. The Ministry of Indigenous Peoples received a complaint from a representative of the Sassoró village and forwarded it to the police. It asked investigators to verify whether the recordings are authentic, identify those responsible and assess whether crimes were committed.

The ministry stressed that there is no proof the water has been contaminated. It also called for preventive measures to ensure the community has a safe water supply.

Chief Ivan Montiel, a leader of the Sassoró village and a Tacuru city councilman, condemned the statements attributed to those involved. He said he will seek accountability through both criminal and civil courts. He also stressed that Indigenous people have the same right as any other citizen to choose their candidates freely.

The Articulation of Indigenous Peoples of Brazil, known as APIB, reported other episodes of violence in the state. These include deaths, hit and run incidents, threats and suspected water poisoning in Tacuru and Nioaque. One Indigenous man died after being struck by a vehicle on highway MS-289, between Coronel Sapucaia and Amambai, in the early hours of Saturday. The circumstances of the crash have not yet been clarified.

Mato Grosso do Sul’s Secretariat of Justice and Public Security denied that genocide is taking place against Indigenous peoples in the state. The Indigenous Missionary Council said it is looking into the reports.

This article originally appeared in ICL Notícias, was translated with express authorization of the editor, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.

“Lula’s victory gives us hope and shows that it is possible to defeat the far right!” This celebratory post was shared on social media by the leftist German party Die Linke on Monday, October 26th, immediately following the Brazilian elections.

Brazil was still reveling in what was perhaps the most significant democratic celebration in recent memory.

The German party was not alone.

A woman holds up her hand in the shape of an "L”, during a rally for Lula in Florianopolis, Brazil, the day before the country's October 25, 2026 election (Michael Fox)

Lula’s historic win and defeat of the far right, represented by the Bolsonaro family, were celebrated by leftist parties and progressive media across the globe. Those of us living outside of Brazil even received congratulations from friends and colleagues.

For the moment, Brazil has emerged as a kind of global anti-fascist hero.

“Brasilien bleibt stabil” (“Brazil remains firm”), declared Taz, Germany’s leading leftist newspaper, invoking a slogan from the anti-fascist movement to honor this act of resistance.

“Brazil resists!” proclaimed the Catalan newspaper El Punt Avui on its front page.

There has been such an outpouring of positive sentiment from the press, politicians, and leftist activists that it would be impossible to list them all in this column.

The celebrations have also spilled into the public sphere. The “make an L” gesture, referencing Lula, has become a global symbol of progressive resistance. Among the first to adopt it was former Barcelona mayor Ada Colau, who encouraged a crowd at a rally in Madrid to form an “L” for Lula. The gesture has also been embraced by Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum.

In a video shared on social media, French students, supporters of socialist Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a presidential candidate currently rising in the polls for next year’s election, can be seen forming an “L” with their hands, followed by an “M” for Mélenchon.

The demonstrations that brought thousands of people together across the country, the strength shown by students, and images of elderly individuals with mobility issues heading to the polls made headlines globally, leaving a lasting impression on everyone.

Yet, beyond Lula, another figure has generated quite a buzz: federal deputy André Janones.

As the creator of the “Lula’s Army” (Exército do Lula) WhatsApp group, he played a pivotal role in the left’s victory on social media, a space previously dominated, by a wide margin, by the far-right.

How did they pull it off? The press and various activists are now trying to uncover this formula, and WhatsApp groups modeled after “Lula’s Army” are beginning to emerge elsewhere in the world, with similar groups already appearing in Spain, France, Argentina, and Colombia.

Is this merely a fleeting burst of excitement? Perhaps. But it is undeniable that Brazil currently serves as a clear example that defeating the far-right is possible, a realization that prompts others to think: “If they can do it, so can I.”

International Solidarity on X

One of the most compelling developments, reflecting both the admiration of foreigners and the enthusiasm of Brazilians, is unfolding on X (formerly Twitter). There, ordinary young Brazilians are sharing the strategies they learned during the three-week interval between the first and second rounds of the election with progressive counterparts in France, Spain, Argentina, and even Japan.

Foreign observers are incredibly energized by the “Brazilian case study” and are eager to grasp the tips offered by their successful counterparts.

“Folks, let’s follow the Brazilians’ lead. We must stop engaging with far-right posts; let’s block these accounts and never interact with them,” wrote a young anti-fascist French activist on the platform.

Full of enthusiasm, some Brazilians are now reaching out to assist other nations. That includes Spain, where they are also working to counter the far-right.

“Folks, let’s help the Spaniards; they need to defeat the far-right,” wrote one young person. “They’ve set up a WhatsApp group, but for now, there are only 20,000 people in it. Let’s help out!”

“Hey, ‘Lula’s Army,’ are we supposed to be working for Mélenchon, Sánchez, or both?” asked another.

Spain’s Pedro Sánchez is seeking reelection in the country’s general elections this November. His campaign is feeling energized.

“We’re going to do what Lula did in Brazil,” Sánchez said at a rally following Lula’s election. “The world is watching us. If Brazil can do it, so can we.”

Will Brazilians, drawing on their own successful experience, be able to help the world break free from the far-right wave sweeping the planet? We don’t know. It’s an incredibly difficult task. But that’s not what matters most. What truly matters is that we’ve shown, through our own example, that it is possible when society organizes, works earnestly, sets aside political differences, and genuinely unites against the far-right.

Hopefully, this victory for civil society, and the success it has garnered around the world, will also help put an end to our”stray-dog complex”. Brazilians have long felt a deep-seated sense of national inferiority. For years, we’ve told ourselves that we are too complacent. That we “don’t take to the streets to fight for our rights.” Instead, we hold up the French, for instance, as the “cool” ones because they are always out there protesting.

Now, the exact opposite is happening, and we should, in fact, be proud. We have shown that it is possible to resist fascism in a distinctly “Brazilian” way. The world is applauding and calling for an encore.

Nina Lemos is a journalist and writer. She lives in Berlin. This article initially ran in ICL Notícias. It has been translated by Panamerican Dispatch. You can read it in its original Portuguese here.

The strategy that helped President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva defeat Flávio Bolsonaro in the 2026 presidential election is crossing borders. In France, Spain, and Argentina, groups inspired by the Brazilian experience are already replicating the methods used during the Workers’ Party campaign.

Federal Deputy André Janones, from Minas Gerais, created and ran the “Lula’s Army” WhatsApp group. He has become an international benchmark for digital organizing among leftist movements seeking to counter the rise of the right and the far right.

President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva sits beside Federal Deputy André Janones who created and ran the “Lula’s Army” WhatsApp group (Ricardo Stuckert)

The impact extends beyond social media. Janones has gained prominence in the international press. According to reports published in recent days, he has received invitations to collaborate with the campaign of Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez and to visit Mexico at the invitation of President Claudia Sheinbaum.

Interest in the Brazilian model grew following Lula’s victory in the runoff election held on Sunday, October 25. The turnaround came after Lula had finished the first round of the race trailing Flávio Bolsonaro. It caught the attention of progressive leaders, coming at a time when conservative and far-right forces are gaining ground globally.

The Janones Model: Mobilizing Millions via WhatsApp

The approach now inspiring international movements reached an unprecedented scale during the runoff of the 2026 Brazilian election. Under Janones’ leadership, the “Lula’s Army” channel surpassed 10 million followers on WhatsApp, nearing 11 million by the final stretch of the campaign.

The strategy transformed supporters into active agents of electoral communication. Instead of merely receiving content, participants were tasked with completing daily “missions”: sharing videos, boosting posts, promoting hashtags, inviting new members, and expanding the reach of messages favorable to Lula.

Another directive was to avoid interacting with pro-Bolsonaro posts, including leaving comments, so as not to feed the algorithms or increase the visibility of opponents. The mobilization also involved coordinated actions at specific times, aimed at pushing progressive content beyond the traditional left-wing echo chambers.

The model drew attention for its ability to organize millions of people around simple tasks, using direct, accessible language underscored by a sense of urgency.

The impact was such that the Spanish newspaper El País published a report this Tuesday, October 27, dedicated to the Brazilian lawmaker, describing him as the “WhatsApp general” who played a key role in Lula’s electoral turnaround. Janones’ efforts were also the subject of coverage by Al Jazeera and other international media outlets.

France: Mélenchon’s Left-wing Movement Creates Own Digital Army

In France, the Brazilian experience inspired the emergence of “Les Soldats Insoumis” (“Unsubmissive Soldiers”), an independent group formed by supporters of Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s party, La France Insoumise (LFI—France Unsubmissive).

According to Radio France Internationale, the initiative had amassed more than 15,000 participants on WhatsApp as of Tuesday, October 27, and has since expanded to Telegram and other social media platforms. As in Brazil, members receive instructions to share content, boost hashtags, and recruit new participants.

The mobilization gained enough momentum that LFI itself created an official channel, dubbed “L’équipe de Mélenchon officielle” (“Mélenchon’s Official Team”).

French MP Antoine Léaument referenced the Brazilian experience when he called on supporters to join the new initiative.

“We saw clearly what happened in Brazil, and don’t worry, we are going to apply a method that works,” he said, according to Radio France Internationale.

This development comes amid preparations for the 2027 French presidential elections, scheduled for April and May. Marine Le Pen, a prominent leader of the European far-right, is currently leading in the polls.

Spain: Pedro Sánchez’s Supporters Adopt Janones’ rules

The Brazilian experience is also spreading to Spain. Supporters of Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, of Spain’s Socialist Workers’ Party, PSOE, have created a channel called “La fuerza de la gente” (“The Strength of the People”), dedicated to digital organizing in favor of the socialist leader.

In addition to sharing speeches, videos, and posts by Sánchez, participants circulate images of President Lula and materials featuring what are known as the “Six rules of Janones’s digital strategy.”

The initiative comes at a decisive moment for the Spanish government. Sánchez, who has held office since 2018, has called for early general elections to be held on November 29, 2026, and is seeking to broaden support for the left in the face of rising conservative and far-right forces.

The Spanish Prime Minister himself has pointed to Lula’s victory as an example that it is possible to turn around unfavorable electoral prospects. The Brazilian strategy has gained particular relevance in the context of the digital battle against the Spanish right and the far-right party Vox.

Argentina: Kirchnerists create the “Peronism Army”

In Argentina, supporters of Kirchnerism have also begun to replicate the Brazilian experience. The group “Ejército del Peronismo” (Peronism Army) has united supporters from the youth and left wings of the Peronist movement, the primary opposition force to President Javier Milei.

As of Tuesday, October 27, the group’s WhatsApp channel had already reached over 32,000 followers, according to Radio France Internationale. The Argentine organizing follows the same dynamic as “Lula’s Army,” with missions that include sharing posts, inviting new members, and expanding the reach of political messaging.

References to Brazil appear frequently. Videos, images, and posts regarding Lula’s victory serve as inspiration for organizing supporters as they prepare for Argentina’s 2027 presidential elections.

The expansion of these initiatives is taking place against a backdrop of a strengthening right wing in South America: seven heads of state in the region are aligned with the right, while five are identified with the left.

Janones Receives Invitations from Spain and Mexico

International recognition of Janones’ strategy has also opened doors for engagement with political leaders abroad.

The Brazilian congressman has been invited to collaborate on Pedro Sánchez’s election campaign in Spain. The potential participation has drawn attention in the Spanish press, though there is no confirmation yet of a formal agreement or that the lawmaker has accepted the invitation.

On Tuesday, October 27, Janones also received an invitation from Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum to visit the country and discuss joint initiatives to strengthen the political left.

The outreach was conveyed by Efraín Guadarrama, who identified himself as the chief of staff to the Mexican foreign minister. No date has been set for a possible trip.

Having helped the Brazilian left compete with “Bolsonarism” for space on social media, Janones is seeing his strategy observed and adapted by movements facing similar challenges in other countries. This phenomenon represents a shift in perspective. Rather than merely following the digital strategies of the far right, segments of the international left have begun to draw inspiration from a model developed in Brazil.

This article initially ran in Revista Forum. It has been translated by Panamerican Dispatch. You can read it in its original Portuguese here.

Bolsonarista lawyer Klaus Fins drew a wave of criticism in Teresópolis, in the mountain region of Rio de Janeiro state, after he said shops owned by supporters of the Workers’ Party (PT) should carry a red star at the entrance. In a video posted on social media, Fins also called for an economic boycott of business owners who voted for President Lula da Silva.

Lawyer Klaus Fins suggested resuscitating intimidation techniques from the darkest period in the history of the land of his ancestors (photo: social media)

The video appeared as a list circulated that links local businesses to their owners’ alleged party preferences, according to the column by Ancelmo Gois in the newspaper O Globo. Teresópolis City Hall issued an official statement condemning intimidation, discrimination and economic retaliation over electoral disagreements.

In the recording, Fins stood next to a restaurant employee and said a movement already existed to stop buying products and services from merchants identified as PT supporters. He suggested that business owners display their politics publicly so shoppers could identify their shops. Fins said: “Since those PT people believe the PT is best for the country, voted for Lula and, in theory, elected this president, let them run their businesses with Lula as president. Here’s what you do: stick a PT star on your little shop door and see what happens. There is already a movement not to buy from, support or do business with PT supporters, because they ruined the country’s economy.”

Proposal recalls persecution of Jews in Nazi Germany

Marking shops by their owners’ politics raises concern because of its parallel with methods of discrimination in Nazi Germany. Under Adolf Hitler, shops owned by Jews were identified and targeted by organized boycotts. These campaigns were part of a process of economic and social exclusion that preceded the deeper, systematic persecution of Jews.

The historical contexts differ, but Fins’ proposal shares one feature with those practices: publicly identifying merchants who belong to a certain group and urging consumers to cut economic ties with them. In Teresópolis, the group is defined by party preference. Fins’ proposal turns business owners’ votes into grounds for boycotts and public pressure.

Teresópolis City Hall condemns political persecution

After the video and the list drew attention, Teresopolis City Hall issued a statement rejecting any effort to embarrass merchants and professionals over their political choices. “It is unacceptable for electoral disagreements to be turned into instruments of hostility, persecution or attempts to harm commercial and professional activities,” the statement reads.

City Hall also said political plurality and freedom of expression must be preserved, and that personal or economic reprisals cannot be allowed to undermine democratic coexistence. It closed by asking residents and merchants not to let party differences damage their relations: “Elections pass. Respect must remain.”

List of merchants heightens fears of intimidation

The list adds a concrete dimension to the controversy. Identifying companies by the politics attributed to their owners can expose them to campaigns of embarrassment and discrimination. The episode also raises the question of where a person’s freedom to choose where to shop ends and organized hostility over political convictions begins.

The dispute goes beyond disagreement over the federal government. Fins tied the operation of private businesses to their owners’ votes and encouraged shoppers to exclude merchants identified as Lula supporters. City Hall said economic and professional activity should not suffer reprisals from party disputes.

Lawyer did not respond to requests for comment

According to Ancelmo Gois, O Globo tried to reach Fins at the phone numbers listed in his Brazilian Bar Association (OAB) registration and got no answer. The newspaper said it would welcome his response to his statements and the reaction to the video. As of the original report, Fins had not responded to the newspaper's questions.

This article originally ran in Brasil 247, has been translated by Panamerican Dispatch with the express authorization of its editor-in-chief, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.

The private jet Flávio Bolsonaro used to leave Brazil after his election loss to Lula belongs to the fleet of Baires Fly, an Argentine company linked to a businessman who had business dealings with Federico “Fred” Machado, who faces drug trafficking charges in the United States. The company also appears in a corruption investigation involving funds intended for people with disabilities under Javier Milei’s government.

Fórum Investiga, Revista Fórum’s investigative unit, identified these connections through court documents and public records in Argentina and the United States. Sergio Daniel Mastropietro, a business intermediary for Baires Fly, was Machado’s business partner and currently faces charges of money laundering and criminal association in Argentina’s National Disability Agency (ANDIS) scandal.

Javier Milei over-brimming with excitement as Flávio Bolsonaro shows what he wanted to do to Brazil’s public health and education budget (photo: social media)

The company’s involvement drew attention after the Argentine government confirmed early Wednesday that Bolsonaro had entered the country with his wife and two daughters and boarded a private Baires Fly flight bound for Guayaquil, Ecuador.

According to Argentina’s National Directorate of Migration, the family crossed the border via the Tancredo Neves International Bridge, between Foz do Iguaçu and Puerto Iguazú, at 10:50 p.m. on Tuesday. They boarded the plane at 11:30 p.m., and the aircraft, a Gulfstream G400 registered as LV-JQW, took off at 12:22 a.m. Wednesday.

The trip came after Supreme Federal Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes ordered Bolsonaro’s passports seized and barred him from leaving Brazil. Revista Fórum has been tracking developments in the senator’s flight since the first reports emerged from Argentina.

The Link to a Man Accused of Drug Trafficking

The drug trafficking connection runs through Federico Andrés Machado, known as Fred Machado, an Argentine businessman in the aviation industry who was accused of participating in an international organization tied to cocaine trafficking and money laundering in the United States.

Machado was business partners with Sergio Mastropietro at SO VAIN S.A., a company founded in 2010 for aviation related ventures. Argentine investigations have also documented joint trips, business ties and a shared address between the two men in Buenos Aires.

In February 2021, the U.S. Department of Justice announced indictments against eight people for taking part in an international scheme involving drug trafficking, money laundering and financial fraud.

Machado was among those charged, identified as an operator in buying and selling aircraft through his company, South Aviation. The investigation involved a network that used U.S. registered planes, some of which were seized in other countries carrying large shipments of cocaine.

Machado was extradited from Argentina in November 2025 and later negotiated a plea bargain with U.S. prosecutors. In August 2026, a federal court in Texas found him guilty of conspiracy to commit money laundering and wire fraud. The original drug trafficking charge was dropped as part of that plea deal.

Machado’s business relationship is with Mastropietro, not directly with Baires Fly. The company’s formal owner is Luis Grande, who has worked in Argentina’s executive aviation industry for decades.

Company Received Money From People Under Investigation for Corruption in the Milei Government

The other scandal involving Baires Fly centers on ANDIS, the agency responsible for assistance to people with disabilities in Argentina. That investigation is examining suspected contract steering, overbilling, bribery and money laundering during Milei’s administration.

According to documents from the investigation led by federal prosecutor Franco Picardi, two ANDIS suppliers, Prolite Orthopedics and Probock, transferred 95.06 million Argentine pesos to a Baires Fly bank account on September 10, 2025. That amount is roughly $62,000, based on exchange rates as of October 28, 2026.

The payments came after Mastropietro sent the company’s banking information to Miguel Ángel Calvete, identified as one of the operators behind the scheme under investigation. Following those transfers, invoices were issued for the advance purchase of flight hours for use on the company’s aircraft.

Investigators suspect these commercial transactions were used to give a legal appearance to funds originating from improper public contracts.

Financial tracing uncovered even larger sums. Documents reviewed by Argentine courts found that Baires Fly billed around 1.097 billion pesos, about $720,000, to five companies tied to the contracts under investigation between 2023 and 2025. That figure represents recorded business transactions, not an amount fully confirmed as embezzled funds.

On October 16, federal judge Ariel Lijo ordered formal charges against Mastropietro on suspicion of aggravated money laundering and criminal association. The ruling also expanded charges against Diego Spagnuolo, ANDIS’ former director and a former Milei ally, along with other alleged participants in the scheme.

Argentina’s Federal Prosecutor’s Office said the investigation uncovered suspected fraud in contracts for medication, prosthetics and equipment intended for beneficiaries of assistance programs.

Baires Fly Transported Both Flávio Bolsonaro and Javier Milei

The airline maintains business ties with figures in Argentine politics. In November 2023, days after winning the presidential election, Javier Milei used a Baires Fly aircraft to travel to the United States. Luis Grande, the company’s owner, piloted that flight.

In the ANDIS investigation, Mastropietro denied managing or formally being part of Baires Fly and said he acted only as an intermediary in arranging aviation services. The company, for its part, disputed any association with the money laundering allegations.

These connections also draw attention given Donald Trump’s policy of citing the fight against so called “narcoterrorism” as one justification for expanding U.S. action against criminal organizations in Latin America.

This case brings together a company that transported Bolsonaro after a court order barred him from leaving Brazil, financial transactions under investigation in the Milei government’s corruption scandal, and the business history of an intermediary linked to a man previously accused of drug trafficking in the United States.

The documents do not show that Bolsonaro was involved in the ANDIS scheme or in any drug trafficking activity. Nor is there evidence that Fred Machado had any role in arranging the flight.

This article originally ran in Revista Fórum, has been translated by Panamerican Dispatch with express authorization of the editor-in-chief, and can be read in its original Portuguese here.